丘吉尔著名演讲稿

丘吉尔著名演讲稿篇一

丘吉尔最经典的演讲

丘吉尔最经典的演讲

丘吉尔

丘吉尔讲演“决不、决不、决不放弃”的故事

1948年，英国牛津大学举办了一次“成功奥秘”讲座，邀请的是当时已经声誉登峰造极的英国首相丘吉尔来大学讲演。在讲演前三个月，各种媒体就开始了热烈的炒作，各界人士引颈等待，翘首以盼讲座的到来。

讲演的那一天，会场上人山人海。全世界各大新闻媒体都到齐了。人们都在洗耳恭听的等着这位政治家、外交家、曾获诺贝尔文学奖文学家的“成功秘诀"。

只见丘吉尔走上讲台，两手抓住讲台，两眼注视着观众，用手势止住大家雷动的掌声，说：“我的成功秘诀有三个：第一是，决不放弃；第二是，决不、决不放弃；第三是，决不、决不、决不放弃！我的演讲结束了！”

说完，他就走下了讲台。

会场上沉寂了一分钟后，突然爆发出热烈的掌声。那掌声经久不息。

被遗弃30年的画

一个“决不放弃”，是讲干什么事情都要坚持到底；第二个“决不、决不放弃",是讲当你想放弃的时候，而是要坚持“决不、决不放弃”的信心；第三个“决不、决不、决不放弃”，是讲永远坚持下去就能够成功。当然，这是后人做的解释。

这场演讲，是成功演讲史上的经典之作，也是丘吉尔给人们留下的最为精彩的演讲。

丘吉尔夫妇

启示：

成功就是“决不放弃”的精神和行动。成功者和一般人的区别，就是成功者“屡遭挫折而热情不减”（林肯）。因为“努力不懈的人，会在别人失败的地方获得成功。”{丘吉尔著名演讲稿}.

孟子曰：“有为者辟若掘井，掘井九仞而不及泉，犹为弃井也”（皇家藏本《四库全书》425页），也讲的是成功需要有一种“决不、决不、决不放弃”的精神。

丘吉尔著名演讲稿篇二

丘吉尔演讲稿we are the masters

Members of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives of the United States:

I feel greatly honored that you should have invited me to enter the United States Senate Chamber and address the representatives of both branches of Congress.{丘吉尔著名演讲稿}.

The fact that my American forebears have for so many generations played their part in the life of the United States, and that here I am, an Englishman,

welcomed in your midst, makes this experience one of the most moving and thrilling in my life, which is already long and has not been entirely uneventful. I -- I wish -- I wish indeed that my mother, whose memory I cherish across the vale of years, could have been here to see.

And by the way, I cannot help reflecting that if my father had been American and my mother British, instead of the other way around, I might have got here on my own. In that case, this would not have been the first time you would have heard my voice. In that case I should not have needed any invitation; but if I had, it is hardly likely that it would have been unanimous. So perhaps things are better as they are.

I may confess, however, that I do not feel quite like a fish out of water in a legislative assembly where English is spoken. I am a child of the . I was brought up in my father's house to believe in democracy. "Trust the people" -- that was his message. I used to see him cheered at meetings and in the streets by crowds of working men way back in those aristocratic Victorian days when, as said, the world was for the few, and for the very few.1

Therefore I have been in full harmony all my life with the tides which have flowed on both sides of the Atlantic against privilege and monopoly, and I have steered confidently towards the Gettysburg ideal2of

I owe my advancement entirely to the House of Commons, whose servant I am. In my country, as in yours, public men are proud to be the servants of the State and would be ashamed to be its masters. On any day, if they thought it -- if they thought the people wanted it, the House of Commons could by a simple vote remove me from my office. But I'm not worrying about it at all. As a matter of fact, I am sure they will approve very highly of my journey here, for which I obtained permission in order to meet the and to arrange with him all that , and for all those intimate meetings of the high officers of the armed services in both countries, which are indispensable to the successful prosecution of the war.

I should like to say, first of all, how much I have been impressed and

encouraged by the breadth of view and sense of proportion which I have found in all quarters over here to which I've had access. Anyone who did not

understand the size and solidarity of the foundations of the United States might easily have expected to find an excited, disturbed, self-centered atmosphere, with all minds fixed upon the novel, startling, and painful episodes of sudden war as they hit America. After all, the United States have been attacked and set upon by three most powerfully armed dictator States. The greatest military power in Europe, the greatest military power in Asia, Japan, Germany and Italy have all declared, and are making, war upon you, and a quarrel is opened which can only end in their overthrow or yours. But here in Washington, in these memorable days, I have found an which, far from being based upon complacency, is only the mask of an inflexible purpose and the proof of a sure, well-grounded confidence in the final outcome.

We in Britain had the same feeling in our darkest days. We, too, were sure that in the end all would be well.

You do not, I'm certain, underrate the severity of the ordeal to which you and we have still to be subjected. The forces ranged against us are enormous. They are bitter; they are ruthless. The wicked men and the -- and their factions who have launched their peoples on the path of war and conquest know that they will be called to terrible account if they cannot beat down by force of arms the peoples they have assailed. They will stop at nothing. They have a vast accumulation of war weapons of all kinds. They have highly trained and

disciplined armies, navies, and air services. They have plans and designs which have long been contrived and matured. They will stop at nothing that violence or treachery can suggest.

It is quite true that, on our side, our resources in man-power and materials are far greater than theirs. But only a portion of your resources are as yet mobilized and developed, and we both of us have much to learn in the cruel art of war. We have therefore, without doubt, a time of tribulation before us. In this same time some ground will be lost which it will be hard and costly to regain. Many disappointments and unpleasant surprises await us. Many of them will afflict us before the full marshalling of our latent and total power can be accomplished. For the best part of twenty years the youth of Britain and America have been taught that war was evil, which is true, and that it would never come again, which has been proved false. For the best part of twenty years the youth of Germany, of Japan and Italy, have been taught that aggressive war is the noblest duty of the citizen, and that it should begun -- be begun as soon as the necessary weapons and organization had been made. We have performed the duties and tasks of peace. They have plotted and planned for war. This,

naturally, has placed us in Britain, and now places you in the United States, at a

disadvantage which only time, courage, and untiring exertions can correct.

We have indeed to be thankful that so much time has been granted to us. If Germany had tried to invade the British Isles after the French collapse in June 1940, and if Japan had declared war on the British Empire and the United States at about the same date, no one can say what disasters and agonies might not have been our lot.

But now at the end of December 1941, our transformation from easy-going peace to total war efficiency has made very great progress. The broad flow of munitions in Great Britain has already begun. Immense strides have been made in the conversion of American industry to military purposes. And now that the United States is at war, it is possible for orders to be given every day which in a year or eighteen months hence will produce results in war power beyond anything that has been seen or foreseen in the dictator States. Provided that every effort is made, that nothing is kept back, that the whole man-power, brain power, virility, valor, and civic virtue of the English-speaking world with all its galaxy of loyal, friendly, or associated communities and States -- provided that is bent unremittingly to the simple but supreme task, I think it would be reasonable to hope that the end of 1942 will see us quite definitely in a better position than we are now, and that the year 1943 will enable us to assume the initiative upon an ample scale.

Some people may be startled or momentarily depressed when, like your

President, I speak of a long and a hard war. Our peoples would rather know the truth, somber though it be. And after all, when we are doing the noblest work in the world, not only defending our hearths and homes but the cause of freedom in every land, the question of whether deliverance comes in 1942 or 1943 or 1944 falls into its proper place in the grand proportions of human history.

Sure I am that this day -- now we are the masters of our fate; that the task which has been set us is not above our strength; that its pangs and toils are not beyond our endurance. As long as we have faith in our cause and an

unconquerable will-power, salvation will not be denied us. In the words of the Psalmist, "He shall not be afraid of evil tidings; his heart is fixed, trusting in the Lord."3Not all the tidings will be evil.

On the contrary, mighty strokes of war have already been dealt against the enemy: The glorious defense of their native soil by the Russian armies and people have -- the wounds have been inflicted upon the Nazi tyranny and

system which have bitten deep, and will fester and inflame not only in the Nazi now but a lackey and a serf, the merest utensil of his master's will. He has inflicted great suffering and wrong upon his own industrious people. He has

been stripped of all his African empire. . Our armies of the East, which were so weak and ill-equipped at the moment of French desertion, now control all the regions from Tehran to Benghazi, and from Aleppo and Cyprus to the sources of the Nile.

For many months we devoted ourselves to preparing to take the offensive in Libya. The very considerable battle, which has been proceeding there for the last six weeks in the desert, has been most fiercely fought on both sides. Owing to the difficulties of supply upon the desert flank, we were never able to bring numerically equal forces to bear upon the enemy. Therefore, we had to rely upon a superiority in the numbers and qualities of tanks and aircraft, British and American. For the first time, aided by these, for the first time we have fought the enemy with equal weapons. For the first time, we have made the Hun feel the sharp edge of those tools with which he has enslaved Europe. The armed forces of the enemy in Cyrenaica amounted to about 150,000 men, of whom a third were German. . And I have every reason to believe that his aim will be fully

accomplished.

I am so glad to be able to place before you, members of the Senate and of the House of Representatives, at this moment when you are entering the war, the proof that with proper weapons and proper organization we are able to beat the life out of the savage Nazi. What Hitler is suffering in Libya is only a sample and foretaste of what we have got to give him and his accomplices, wherever this war should lead us, in every quarter of the globe.

There are good tidings also from blue water. The lifeline of supplies which joins our two nations across the ocean, without which all would fail -- that lifeline is flowing steadily and freely in spite of all that the enemy can do. It is a -- a fact that the British Empire, which many thought eighteen months ago was broken and ruined, is now incomparably stronger and is growing stronger with every month.Lastly, if you will forgive me for saying it, to me the best tidings of all: the United States, united as never before, has drawn the sword for freedom and cast away the scabbard.

All these tremendous facts have led the subjugated peoples of Europe to lift up their heads again in hope. They have put aside forever the shameful temptation of resigning themselves to the conqueror's will. Hope has returned to the hearts of scores of millions of men and women, and with that hope there burns the flame of anger against the brutal, corrupt invader. And still more fiercely burn the fires of hatred and contempt for the filthy whom he has suborned.

In a dozen famous ancient states, now prostrate under the Nazi yoke, the masses of the people, all classes and creeds, await the hour of liberation when

they too will once again be able to play their part and strike their blows like men. That hour will strike. And its solemn peal will proclaim that night is past and that the dawn has come.

The onslaught upon us, so long and so secretly planned by Japan, has

presented both our countries with grievous problems for which we could not be fully prepared. If people ask me, as they have a right to ask me in England, "Why is it that you have not got an ample equipment of modern aircraft and army weapons of all kinds in Malaya and in the East Indies?" I can only point to the victory General Auchinleck has gained in the Libyan campaign. Had we diverted and dispersed our gradually-growing resources between Libya and Malaya, we should have been found wanting in both theaters.

If the United States has been found at a disadvantage at various points in the Pacific Ocean, we know well that that is to no small extent because of the aid which you have been giving to us in munitions for the defense of the British Isles and for the Libyan campaign, and above all because of your help in the Battle of the Atlantic, upon which all depends and which has in consequence been successfully and prosperously maintained.

Of course, it would have been much better, I freely admit, if we had had

enough resources of all kinds to be at full strength at all threatened points. But considering how slowly and reluctantly we brought ourselves to large-scale preparations, and how long these preparations take, we had no right to expect to be in such a fortunate position.

The choice of how to dispose of our hitherto limited resources had to be made by Britain in time of war, and by the United States in time of peace. And I believe that history will pronounce that upon the whole, and it is upon the whole that these matters must be judged, that the choice made was right. Now that we are together, now that we are linked in a righteous comradeship of arms, now that our two considerable nations, each in perfect unity, have joined all their life's energies in a common resolve, a new scene opens upon which a steady light will glow and brighten.

Many people have been astonished that Japan should in a single day have plunged into war against the United States and the British Empire. We all

wonder why, if this dark design with its laborious and intricate preparations had been so long filling their secret minds, they did not choose our moment of weakness eighteen months ago. Viewed quite dispassionately, in spite of the losses we have suffered and the further punishment we shall have to take, it certainly appears an irrational act. It is of course only prudent to assume that they have made very careful calculation and think they see their way through. Nevertheless, there may be another explanation.

丘吉尔著名演讲稿篇三

丘吉尔二战著名演讲

1940年在下院发表演说

背景：1940年4、5月间，德军首先“闪击”丹表、挪威，接着入侵卢森堡、荷兰和比利时。同时，德军绕过法国自以为非常稳固的“马奇诺防线”，侵入法国境内。5月下旬，德军直逼英吉利海峡，把40多万英、法军队追逼到敦刻尔克港附近的一块三角地带。英、法动员了大批船只，经9昼夜苦战，才把近34万士兵运过海峡，撤入英国。这就是历史上有名的“敦刻尔克大撤退”。

1940年5月10日，希特勒进攻西线的消息传到伦敦，伦敦舆论大哗。张伯伦政府受到猛烈抨击，立即垮台。一贯主张对德国采取强硬路线的丘吉尔组成新政府。图为5月 13日，丘吉尔在下院发表演说，表明他对英国的忠诚和把反法西斯战争进行到底的决心。 精彩段落：{丘吉尔著名演讲稿}.

We shall fight in France, we shall fight on the seas and oceans, we shall fight with growing confidence and growing strength in the air, we shall defend our island, whatever the cost may be, we shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds, we shall fight in the fields and in the streets, we shall fight in the hills; we shall never surrender, and even if, which I do not for a moment believe, this island or a large part of it were subjugated（征服） and starving, then our empire beyond the seas, armed and guarded by the British fleet（舰队）, would carry on the struggle, until, in God's good time, the new world, with all its power and might, steps forth to the rescue and the liberation of the old 我们将在法国作战，我们将在海上和大洋中作战，我们将具有愈来愈大的信心和愈来愈强的力量在空中作战；我们将不惜任何代价保卫我们的岛屿。我们将在海滩上作战；我们将在敌人登陆地点作战；我们将在田野和街头作战；我们将在山区作战；我们决不投降。即使整个英伦岛或大部分土地被占，我们饥寒交迫，我们所有由英国舰队武装和保护的海外帝国也将继续战斗。直到上帝认为适当的时候到了，新大陆将挺身而出，以其全部力量支援旧世界，解放旧世界！ 丘吉尔二战著名演讲：热血、汗水和眼泪 1940年5月8日，由于前首相张伯伦遭到不信任质疑动议，被迫辞职。5月10日下午6时，国王召见丘吉尔，令其组阁；一小时后丘吉尔会见工党领袖艾德礼，邀请工党加入内阁并获得支持。3

天后丘吉尔首次以首相身份出席下议院会议，

发表了著名的讲话：“我没有别的，只有热血、辛劳、眼泪和汗水献给大家„„你们问：我们的目的是什么？我可以用一个词来答复：胜利，不惜一切代价去争取胜利，无论多么恐怖也要争取胜利，无论道路多么遥远艰难，也要争取胜利，因为没有胜利就无法生存。”下议院最终以381票对0票的绝对优势表明了对丘吉尔政府的支持。

演讲全文：

On Friday evening last I received from His Majesty the mission to form a new administration.

上星期五晚上，我奉陛下之命，组织新的一届政府。

It was the evident will of Parliament and the nation that this should be conceived on the broadest possible basis and that it should include all parties.

按国会和国民的意愿，新政府显然应该考虑建立在尽可能广泛的基础上，应该兼容所有的党派。

I have already completed the most important part of this task. A war cabinet has been formed of five members, representing, with the Labor, Opposition and Liberals, the unity of the nation.

我已经完成了这项任务的最主要的部分。战时内阁已由五人组成，包括工党、反对党和自由党，这体现了举国团结一致。

It was necessary that this should be done in one single day on account of the extreme urgency and rigor of events. Other key positions were filled yesterday. I am submitting a further list to the King tonight. I hope to complete the appointment of principal Ministers during tomorrow.

由于事态的极端紧急和严峻，新阁政府须于一天之内组成，其他的关键岗位也于昨日安排就绪。今晚还要向国王呈报一份名单。我希望明天就能完成几位主要大臣的任命。

The appointment of other Ministers usually takes a little longer. I trust when Parliament meets again this part of my task will be completed and that the administration will be complete in all respects.

其余大臣们的任命照例得晚一些。我相信，在国会下一次召开时，任命将告完成，臻于完善。

I considered it in the public interest to suggest to the Speaker that the House should be summoned today. At the end of today''s proceedings, the adjournment of the House will be proposed until May 2l with provision for earlier meeting if need be. Business for that will be notified to M. P. ''s at the earliest opportunity.

为公众利益着想，我建议议长今天就召开国会。今天的议程结束时，建议休会到5月21日，并准备在必要时提前开会。有关事项当会及早通知各位议员。

I now invite the House by a resolution to record its approval of the steps taken and declare its confidence in the new government. The resolution: 现在我请求国会作出决议，批准我所采取的各项步骤，启示记录在案，并且声明信任新政府。决议如下：

"That this House welcomes the formation of a government representing the united and inflexible resolve of the nation to prosecute the war with Germany to a victorious conclusion."

“本国会欢迎新政府的组成，她体现了举国一致的坚定不移的决心：对德作战，直到最后胜利。”

To form an administration of this scale and complexity is a serious undertaking in itself. But we are in the preliminary Phase of one of the greatest battles in history. We are in action at any other points-in Norway and in Holland-and we have to be prepared in the Mediterranean. The air battle is continuing, and many preparations have to be made here at home. 组织如此规模和如此复杂的政府原本是一项重大的任务。但是我们正处于历史上罕见的一场大战的初始阶段。我们在其他许多地点作战——在挪威，在荷兰，我们还必须在地中海做好准备。空战正在继续，而且在本土也必须做好许多准备工作。

In this crisis I think I may be pardoned if I do not address the House at any length today, and I hope that any of my friends and colleagues or for mer colleagues who are affected by the political reconstruction will make all allowances for any lack of ceremony with which it has been necessary to act.

值此危急关头，我想，即使我今天向国会的报告过于简略，也当能见谅。我还希望所有在这次改组中受到影响的朋友、同僚和旧日的同僚们对必要的礼仪方面的任何不周之处能毫不介意。

I say to the House as I said to Ministers who have joined this government, I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat. We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. We have before us many, many months of struggle and suffering.

我向国会表明，一如我向入阁的大臣们所表明的，我所能奉献的唯有热血、辛劳、眼泪和汗水我们所面临的将是一场极其严酷的考验，将是旷日持久的斗争和苦难。

You ask, what is our policy? I say it is to wage（作战） war by land, sea and air. War with all our might and with all the strength God has given us, and to wage war against a monstrous tyranny never surpassed in the dark and lamentable catalogue of human crime. That is our policy.

若问我们的政策是什么？我的回答是：在陆上、海上、空中作战。尽我们的全力，尽上帝赋予我们的全部力量去作战，对人类黑暗、可悲的罪恶史上空前凶残的暴政作战。这就是我们的政策。

You ask, what is our aim? I can answer in one word, It is victory. Victory at all costs-victory in spite of all terrors-victory, however long and hard the road may be, for without victory there is no survival.

若问我们的目标是什么？我可以用一个词来回答，那就是胜利。不惜一切代价，去夺取胜利——不惧一切恐怖，去夺取胜利——不论前路如何漫长、如何艰苦，去夺取胜利。因为没有胜利就不能生存。

Let that be realized. No survival for the British Empire, no survival for all that the British Empire has stood for, no survival for the urge, the impulse of the ages, that mankind shall move forward toward his goal. 我们务必认识到，没有胜利就不复有大英帝国，没有胜利就不复有大英帝国所象征的一切，没有胜利就不复有多少世纪以来的强烈要求和冲动：人类应当向自己的目标迈进。

I take up my task in buoyancy and hope. I feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men.{丘吉尔著名演讲稿}.

我精神振奋、满怀信心地承担起我的任务。我确信，大家联合起来，我们的事业就不会遭到挫败。

I feel entitled at this juncture, at this time, to claim the aid of all and to say, "Come then, let us go forward together with our united strength."

在此时此刻的危急关头，我觉得我有权要求各方面的支持。我要说：“来吧，让我们群策群力，并肩前进！”

丘吉尔著名演讲稿篇四

史上最著名的十大演讲摘录

史上最著名的十大演讲

10、肯尼迪就职演讲

约翰·F·肯尼迪，1961

“美国同胞们，不要问国家能为你们做些什么，而要问你们能为国家做些什么。全世界的公民们，不要问美国将为你们做些什么，而要问我们共同能为人类的自由做些什么。”

肯尼迪总统于1960年1月20日就职，并于当天发表了这篇演讲。在这篇演讲中，肯尼迪要求所有的美国人团结起来对抗共同的敌人如暴政、贫穷、疾病以及战争。为达到这一目标，肯尼迪总统于1961年成立了“和平队”。这篇演讲仅是肯尼迪总统众多演讲中的一篇，它充分体现了肯尼迪总统的演讲天才。

9、伯里克利葬礼演说

伯里克利，公元前五世纪

“其中部分是对其行为的赞扬，因为往生者确实值得我们的赞扬，而往生者的后代在理应受到大众的照顾直到长大成人；就像花冠一般，这实质的奖赏是雅典为她的子孙所戴上的，当他们像其他人一样付出努力之后，不论他们在世或往生都会戴上这种花冠。”

伯里克利是雅典全盛时期的政治家和演说家。他对当时社会具有深厚影响，以至于与他同时期的历史学家称呼他为“雅典第一公民”。这篇演讲发表的场合，是在为伯罗奔尼撒战争第一年中死去的战士们举行的公葬中。根据维基百科的注解，公元前五世纪晚期，为纪念战争中牺牲的战士而举行公葬已形成雅典的惯例。（在公葬时）往生者的遗体先被停放在一个幕篷中三天，在此期间民众可以前往祭祀。然后会举行一个葬礼游行，抬着十个装载着遗体的柏木棺材，每一个都代表着雅典的部族。游行通向一个公众墓园（凯拉米克斯公墓），勇士们将被埋葬在那里。仪式的最后部分则是由一位知名人士做演讲（此例中则由伯里克利担任）。{丘吉尔著名演讲稿}.

8、自由或死亡

埃米林·潘克赫斯特，1913

“你们把妇女自救的工作留给了你们国家的妇女，一切文明国家的男人都把这件工作留给了妇女。这也就是我们英国妇女正在做的工作。生命对我们来说是神圣的，但我们说如果有什么人要牺牲生命，那将是我们；我们自己不愿那么做，但我们将使敌人处于这样的境地；他们必须在给我们以自由或给我们死亡这两者中做出抉择。”

潘克赫斯特是一战前英国妇女参政运动的领袖之一，且她的名字经常与该组织联系在一起。她曾多次被逮捕并监禁，这篇演讲则发表于其出游美国期间。直到1928年，英国妇女才被赋予与男子一样的投票权利。

7、乌尔班二世的演说辞

教皇乌尔班二世，1095

“你们总是时刻进行着不公的战争；你们总是因为贪欲和傲慢而挥舞着武器自相残杀，对此你们将遭受永恒的死亡与诅咒。而我们现在将引领你走向带来永不朽灭的荣耀的战争。” 教皇乌尔班二世（出生于法国，原名Otho de Lagery）作为第一次十字军东征的发起者而被世人所熟知。当他在法国克莱芒举行的宗教会议上宣布十字军东征开始时，就是使用的这篇演讲稿。第一次十字军东征是为了帮助拜占庭君主在圣地与伊斯兰统治者的抗争。这次十字军东征最终成功了，并且最终成立了耶路撒冷王国。除了开展十字军东征之外，教皇乌尔班二世还成立了罗马教廷（这是一个主教们的组合，负责教会每天的事务），他本人还被认为是杰出的外交官。

6、阅读的喜悦

威廉·里昂·菲尔普斯，1933

“借来的书，就如同家里的宾客，必须要细心、体贴地对待。你必须要保证它不被毁坏；它不能在你的家中受到委屈。你不能漫不经心地随手乱放，你不能在书里做记号，你不能折书页，你不能随便使用它。然后的某一天，虽然很少人能做到，但是你确实应该归还它。”

菲尔普斯是一位就职于耶鲁大学英语系达四十年的作家与学者。这篇演说位列本文是因为它是对书籍与阅读的伟大论述。在纳粹党开始烧毁反对者的书籍之前一年，这篇演说在收音机中被发表。

5、难道我不是个女人？

索琼娜·特鲁斯，1851

“没人帮我推车，或是掘沟，也没人给我任何最好的地位！难道我不是个女性吗？看着我！看着我的手臂！我一直在耕作、收割，男人都不能超过我！难道我不是个女性吗？我可以做的和男人一样多，也可以吃的和男人一样多——而我也同样能经受住鞭子！难道我不是女性吗？我生了13个孩子，也眼看着大多数被卖做奴隶。当我为我母亲去世而哭泣时，除了上帝没有人注意到！难道我不是个女性吗？”

索琼娜·特鲁斯是一位女性奴隶，后来在纽约州奴隶制废除后被解放。她从此成为一位知名的废奴主义者，并周游全美国。这篇演讲发表于俄亥俄州妇女权力大会上。在1872年当她试图参加总统大选投票时，却在投票场地被驱逐。她逝于1883年。

4、我是第一个被指控的人

纳尔逊·曼德拉，1964

“我已经把我的一生奉献给了非洲人民的斗争，我为反对白人种族统治而斗争，我也为反对黑人专制而斗争。我怀有一个建立民主和自由社会的美好理想，

在这样的社会里，所有人都和睦相处，有着平等的机会。我希望为这一理想或者，并去实现它。但如果需要的话，我也准备为它复出生命。”

由于CIA的告密，曼德拉在1962年因政治煽动和非法越境罪被逮捕，当时他被判了五年监禁。1964年，当时的政府对其追加控罪如阴谋破坏罪、叛国罪和阴谋推翻政府罪。本次演讲即是在监禁开始时发表的。

3、我有一个梦想

马丁·路德·金，1963

“朋友们，今天我要对你们说，尽管眼下困难重重，但我依然怀有一个梦。这个梦深深植根于美国梦之中。我梦想有一天，这个国家将会奋起，实现其立国信条的真谛：“我们认为这些真理不言而喻：人人生而平等”。我梦想有一天，在佐治亚洲的红色山岗上，昔日奴隶的儿子能够同昔日奴隶主的儿子同席而坐，亲如手足。”

在朝着华盛顿的“工作与自由”游行到达林肯纪念堂时，金发表了这篇演说。这篇演讲被认为是黑人维权斗争的转折点。在广播学者的调查表上，这篇演讲排列第一。演讲中的著名部分（“我梦想有一天”）并不是事先写好的——这部分是金即兴说出的。

2、葛底斯堡演说

亚伯拉罕·林肯，1863

“八十七年前，我们的祖先在这块大陆上创立了一个孕育于自由的新国家，他们主张人人生而平等，并为此献身。现在我们正在进行一场伟大的内战，这是一场检验这一国家或者任何一个像我们这样孕育于自由并信守其主张的国家是否能够长久存在的战争。我们在这场战争中一个伟大战场上相聚。”

葛底斯堡演说是林肯总统演说中最著名的一篇，也是在美国历史中最常被引用的演说。现存的五份原始手稿和报章上的报道与最准确的演讲措辞有些出入。这篇演说发表的时间是在1863年11月19日星期四下午，时值美国南北战争，距北方军击败南方叛军的葛底斯堡决定性战役仅4个半月；而演说的场所则是在宾夕法尼亚州葛底斯堡国家公墓的致辞典礼。

1、我们将战斗在海滩

温斯顿·丘吉尔，1940

“我们将战斗到底，我们将在法国作战，我们将在海洋中作战，我们将以越来越大的信心和越来越强的力量在空中作战，我们将不惜一切代价保卫本土，我们将在海滩作战，我们将在敌人的登陆点作战，我们将在田野和街头作战，我们将在山区作战，我们决不投降”

这篇演讲是在丘吉尔当选首相后不久发表的。它是丘吉尔在法国战役中发表的三篇著名讲话中的第二篇（另外两篇是“热血和辛劳、眼泪和汗水”和“这是他们最光辉的时刻”），这篇演讲发表于敦刻尔克，当时英国军队正向法国大撤退。丘吉尔作为一个演说大师，在演讲中大量使用了首句重复法、接续词省略和日耳曼词根单词等修辞手法，借以加强演讲的影响力。

丘吉尔著名演讲稿篇五

丘吉尔最精彩演讲

每日一则小故事：丘吉尔一生最精彩的演讲（2013年6月25日星期二）

丘吉尔一生最精彩的演讲，也是他最后的一次演讲。在剑桥大学的一次毕业典礼上，整个会堂有上万个学生，他们正在等候丘吉尔的出现。正在这时，丘吉尔在他的随从陪同下走进了会场并慢慢的走向讲台，他脱下他的大衣交给随从，然后又摘下了帽子，默默的注视所有的听众，过了一分钟后，丘吉尔说了一句话：“Never give up！”（永不放弃） 丘吉尔说完后穿上了大衣，带上了帽子离开了会场。这时整个会场鸦雀无声，一分钟后，掌声雷动。 永不放弃！永不放弃有两个原则，第一个原则是：永不放弃，第二原则是当你想放弃时回头看第一个原则：永不放弃！

【人生智慧】成功者与失败者并没有多大的区别，只不过是失败者走了九十九步，而成功者走了一百步。失败者跌下去的次数比成功者多一次，成功者站起来的次数比失败者多一次。当你走了一千步时，也有可能遭到失败，但成功却往往躲在拐角弯后面，除非你拐了弯，否则你永远不可能成功。

永远相信：成功者不放弃，放弃者不成功！

丘吉尔著名演讲稿篇六

丘吉尔演讲稿

丘吉尔演讲稿《Blood,Toil.Tears and Sweet》，《We shall fight them on the beachers》，《Iron Curtain.Speach(铁幕演说）》，三篇演讲稿英文及其翻译。

这是丘吉尔1940年5月13日在下院发表的首相就职演讲，内容大概如下：

“我所能奉贤的，只有热血和辛劳，眼泪和汗水。

你们问：我们的政策是什么？我说，我们的政策就是用上帝所给予我们的全部能力和全部力量，在海上.陆地上和空中进行战争。同一个邪恶悲惨的人类罪恶史上从为见过的穷凶极恶的暴政进行战争。

你们问：我们的目的是什么？我可以用一个词来答复：胜利————不惜一切代价去争取胜利，无论多么恐怖也要去争取胜利；无论道路多么遥远和艰难，也要去争取胜利；因为没有胜利，就不能生存。

在这个时候，我觉得我有权要求大家的支持，我说：起来，让我们联合起来，共同前进！” 热血、辛劳、眼泪和汗水

（1940.5.13）

丘吉尔

星期五晚上，我接受了英王陛下的委托，组织新政府。这次组阁，应包括所有的政党，既有支持上届政府的政党，也有上届政府的反对党，显而易见，这是议会和国家的希望与意愿。我已完成了此项任务中最重要的部分。战时内阁业已成立，由5位阁员组成，其中包括反对党的自由主义者，代表了举国一致的团结。三党领袖已经同意加入战时内阁，或者担任国家高级行政职务。三军指挥机构已加以充实。由于事态发展的极端紧迫感和严重性，仅仅用一天时间完成此项任务，是完全必要的。其他许多重要职位已在昨天任命。我将在今天晚上向英王陛下呈递补充名单，并希望于明日一天完成对政府主要大臣的任命。其他一些大臣的任命，虽然通常需要更多一点的时间，但是，我相信会议再次开会时，我的这项任务将告完成，而且本届政府在各方面都将是完整无缺的。

我认为，向下院建议在今天开会是符合公众利益的。议长先生同意这个建议，并根据下院决议所授予他的权力，采取了必要的步骤。今天议程结束时，建议下院休会到5月21日星期

二。当然，还要附加规定，如果需要的话，可以提前复会。下周会议所要考虑的议题，将尽早通知全体议员。现在，我请求下院，根据以我的名义提出的决议案，批推已采取的各项步骤，将它记录在案，并宣布对新政府的信任。

组成一届具有这种规模和复杂性的政府，本身就是一项严肃的任务。但是大家一定要记住，我们正处在历史上一次最伟大的战争的初期阶段，我们正在挪威和荷兰的许多地方进行战斗，我们必须在地中海地区做好准备，空战仍在继续，众多的战备工作必须在国内完成。在这危急存亡之际，如果我今天没有向下院做长篇演说，我希望能够得到你们的宽恕。我还希望，因为这次政府改组而受到影响的任何朋友和同事，或者以前的同事，会对礼节上的不周之处予以充分谅解，这种礼节上的欠缺，到目前为止是在所难免的。正如我曾对参加本届政府的成员所说的那样，我要向下院说：“我没什么可以奉献，有的．只是热血、辛劳、眼泪和汗水。”

摆在我们面前的，是一场极为痛苦的严峻的考验。在我们面前，有许多许多漫长的斗争和苦难的岁月。你们问：我们的政策是什么我要说，我们的政策就是用我们全部能力，用上帝所给予我们的全部力量，在海上、陆地和空中进行战争，同一个在人类黑暗悲惨的罪恶史上所

从未有过的穷凶极恶的暴政进行战争。这就是我们的政策。你们问：我们的目标是什么我可以用一个词来回答：胜利——不惜一切代价，去赢得胜利；无论多么可怕，也要赢得胜利，无论道路多么遥远和艰难，也要赢得胜利。因为没有胜利，就不能生存。大家必须认识到这一点：没有胜利，就没有英帝国的存在，就没有英帝国所代表的一切，就没有促使人类朝着自己目标奋勇前进这一世代相因的强烈欲望和动力。但是当我挑起这个担子的时候，我是心情愉快、满怀希望的。我深信，人们不会听佳我们的事业遭受失败。此时此刻，我觉得我有权利要求大家的支持，我要说：“来吧，让我们同心协力，一道前进。”

英文原文

Blood, Sweat And Tears

Winston Churchill May 13, 1940

On Friday evening last I received from His Majesty the mission to form a new administration.

It was the evident will of Parliament and the nation that this should be conceived on the broadest

possible basis and that it should include all parties.

I have already completed the most important part of this task. A war cabinet has been formed of five members, representing, with the Labor, Opposition and Liberals, the unity of the nation.

It was necessary that this should be done in one single day on account of the extreme urgency and rigor of

events. Other key positions were filled yesterday. I am submitting a further list to the King tonight. I hope to

complete the appointment of principal Ministers during tomorrow.

The appointment of other Ministers usually takes a little longer. I trust when Parliament meets again this part of my task will be completed and that the administration will be complete in all respects.

I considered it in the public interest to suggest to the Speaker that the House should be summoned today. At the end of today's proceedings, the adjournment of the House will be proposed until May 2l with provision for earlier meeting if need be.

Business for that will be notified to M. P. 's at the earliest opportunity.

I now invite the House by a resolution to record its approval of the steps taken and declare its confidence in the new government. The resolution

That this House welcomes the formation of a government

representing the united and inflexible resolve of the nation to prosecute the war with Germany to a victorious conclusion.

To form an administration of this scale and complexity is a serious

undertaking in itself. But we are in the preliminary Phase of one of the

greatest battles in history. We are in action at any other points-in Norway and in Holland-and we have to be prepared in the Mediterranean. The air